Journal of Personality

TÓM TẮTThuật ngữtự dotheo nghĩa đen ám chỉ sự điều chỉnh bởi chính bản thân. Ngược lại,dịch điều khiển, chỉ sự điều chỉnh bị kiểm soát, hoặc sự điều chỉnh xảy ra mà không có sự thừa nhận của bản thân. Vào thời điểm mà các triết gia và nhà kinh tế ngày càng chi tiết hóa bản chất của sự tự do và nhận thức được tầm quan trọng xã hội và thực tiễn của nó, nhiều nhà tâm lý học đang đặt câu hỏi về thực tế và ý nghĩa của sự tự do và các hiện tượng liên quan mật thiết như ý chí, sự lựa chọn và tự do. Sử dụng khung lý thuyết về tự định hướng (Ryan & Deci, 2000), chúng tôi xem xét các nghiên cứu liên quan đến lợi ích của sự điều chỉnh mang tính tự do so với kiểm soát đối với hiệu suất mục tiêu, sự kiên trì, trải nghiệm cảm xúc, chất lượng mối quan hệ, và sự phát triển tốt đẹp ở các lĩnh vực và nền văn hóa khác nhau. Chúng tôi cũng đề cập đến một số tranh cãi và vấn đề thuật ngữ xung quanh cấu trúc của sự tự do, bao gồm các phê bình của các nhà nghiên cứu sinh học, các nhà nghiên cứu về tương đối văn hóa và các nhà hành vi học. Chúng tôi kết luận rằng có một giá trị phổ quát và phát triển chéo đối với sự điều chỉnh mang tính tự do khi cấu trúc được hiểu một cách nghiêm ngặt.

ABSTRACTThis paper explores how the lay theory approach provides a framework beyond previous stereotype/prejudice research to understand dynamic personality processes in interracial/ethnic contexts. The authors conceptualize theory of race within the Cognitive–Affective Personality System (CAPS), in which lay people's beliefs regarding the essential nature of race sets up a mind‐set through which individuals construe and interpret their social experiences. The research findings illustrate that endorsement of the essentialist theory (i.e., that race reflects deep‐seated, inalterable essence and is indicative of traits and ability) versus the social constructionist theory (i.e., that race is socially constructed, malleable, and arbitrary) are associated with different encoding and representation of social information, which in turn affect feelings, motivation, and competence in navigating between racial and cultural boundaries. These findings shed light on dynamic interracial/intercultural processes. Relations of this approach to CAPS are discussed.

This paper provides a review of the main findings concerning the relationship between the cultural syndromes of individualism and collectivism and personality. People in collectivist cultures, compared to people in individualist cultures, are likely to define themselves as aspects of groups, to give priority to in‐group goals, to focus on context more than the content in making attributions and in communicating, to pay less attention to internal than to external processes as determinants of social behavior, to define most relationships with ingroup members as communal, to make more situational attributions, and tend to be self‐effacing.

Two studies of coping among community‐dwelling adults (N= 255,151) were used to examine the influence of personality on coping responses, the perceived effectiveness of coping mechanisms, and the effects of coping and personality on well‐being In both studies a wide range of potential stressors was examined, categorized as losses, threats, or challenges The personality dimensions of neuroticism, extraversion, and openness to experience, as measured by both self‐reports and spouse‐ and peer‐ratings, were systematically related to coping mechanisms in both studies There was general agreement across types of stressors on the use and perceived effectiveness of the 27 coping mechanisms, and individuals who used more effective ways of coping generally reported higher subsequent happiness and life satisfaction However, personality variables are also known to be determinants of well‐being, and the associations between coping and well‐being were reduced when personality measures were partialled out Some implications for the design and interpretation of coping effectiveness studies are discussed

ABSTRACT This research ascertained the role of intrinsic, extrinsic, and amotivational styles as predictors of behavioral persistence in a real‐life setting. At the beginning of the academic year, 1,042 first‐term junior‐college students enrolled in a compulsory college course completed a scale assessing intrinsic motivation, four styles of extrinsic motivation (namely, external regulation, introjection, identification, and integration), and amotivation toward academic activities. At the end of the semester, individuals who had dropped out of the course and those who had persisted were identified. Results showed that individuals who persisted in the course had reported at the beginning of the semester being more intrinsically motivated, more identified and integrated, and less amotivated toward academic activities than students who dropped out of the course. Gender differences also emerged. These revealed that females

ABSTRACT In this article we review the history of the scientific use of self‐recording and conclude that there are three basic methods: (a) interval‐contingent, in which respondents report on their experiences at regular intervals, (b) signal‐contingent, in which respondents report when signaled, and (c) event‐contingent, in which respondents report whenever a defined event occurs. We then discuss the relative merits of these techniques for answering different questions. Finally, we note that self‐recording of small events is a departure from the science of psychology as typically practiced, requiring an acceptance of reality as defined by respondents.

We investigated individual differences in the processes of subjective well‐being (SWB). There were considerable individual differences in the domain that was most strongly associated with global life satisfaction. Individuals also differed significantly in the types of activities that they found satisfying. Moreover, these individual differences in the patterns of SWB were systematically related to value orientations. A 23‐day daily diary study revealed that intraindividual changes in satisfaction were strongly influenced by the degree of success in the domains that individuals value. The present findings highlight the meaningful individual differences in the qualitative aspects of subjective well‐being.

ABSTRACT The construct of empathy may be located conceptually at several different points in the network of interpersonal cognition and emotion We discuss one specific form of emotional empathy—other‐focused feelings evoked by perceiving another person in need First, evidence is reviewed suggesting that there are at least two distinct types of congruent emotional responses to perceiving another in need feelings of personal distress (e g, alarmed, upset, worried, disturbed, distressed, troubled, etc) and feelings of empathy (e g, sympathetic, moved, compassionate, tender, warm, softhearted, etc) Next, evidence is reviewed suggesting that these two emotional responses have different motivational consequences Personal distress seems to evoke egoistic motivation to reduce one's own aversive arousal, as a traditional Hullian tension‐reduction model would propose Empathy does not The motivation evoked by empathy may instead be altruistic, for the ultimate goal seems to be reduction of the other's need, not reduction of one's own aversive arousal Overall, the recent empirical evidence appears to support the more differentiated view of emotion and motivation proposed long ago by McDougall, not the unitary view proposed by Hull and his followers