The Review of Black Political Economy

This study compares the performance of small businesses formed between 1976 and 1982 by three groups: 1) Asian males, 2) black males, and 3) nonminority males. Self-employed Asians are outperforming nonminorities and blacks. A subset of black-owned firms—small scale ghetto-oriented operations—is shown to be laggard. Weak internal markets, commercial bank redlining, and loss of entrepreneurial talent are factors in undermining the inner city black business community. Successful black-owned firms are increasingly removed from the ghetto and from serving a minority clientele.

In this article, we examine the possible impact of mass imprisonment on the physical health of African American women. Specifically, we focus on a variety of mechanisms through which mass imprisonment may increase the risk of having three major chronic health conditions that are risk factors for cardiovascular disease (CVD): hypertension, diabetes, and obesity. This approach is distinctive in that it provides a broad theoretical framework through which mass imprisonment might harm the physical health of African American women in ways separate from the pathways linking mass imprisonment to their risk of contracting infectious diseases (especially HIV and other STIs), which has been the emphasis of most research in this area. In order to draw these connections, we begin by briefly discussing what mass imprisonment is and its social consequences. We then discuss our three CVD risk factors, documenting disparities between white and African American women in these risk factors and discussing mechanisms through which mass imprisonment might contribute to these disparities. We close by discussing the data needed to test our hypotheses and suggesting some avenues for future research.

This paper considers the returns to earning a baccalaureate degree from a Historically Black College/University (HBCU) relative to a non-HBCU for black Americans. With data from the National Survey of Black Americans, we use propensity score matching estimators to estimate the treatment effect of graduating from an HBCU on direct labor market outcomes, and on psychological outcomes that indirectly increase wages. We find that the treatment effect of graduating from an HBCU relative to a non-HBCU is positive with respect to labor market and psychological outcomes across three decades. As our direct labor market outcome measure reflects permanent earnings, our results suggest that as HBCUs afford graduates relatively superior long-run returns they continue to have a compelling educational justification, as the labor market outcomes of their graduates are superior to what they would have been had they graduated from a non-HBCU.

This report presents an overview of the economic and educational status of black Americans. In addition to summarizing blacks' current economic condition, long-term trends are also presented. The purpose of this report is to highlight information that will accentuate the magnitude of the black socioeconomic disadvantage. My goal is to generate discussion about policies in which people have an awareness of the scale and time it will take to address racial inequality. Therefore, this report is more descriptive than prescriptive. To help facilitate thinking about potential policy directions, economic patterns are shown across various presidential administrations.

Are the economic interests of black and white women similar? This article explores this question by reviewing data on the “feminization of poverty,” data on changes in the economic status of blacks, and differences in the occupational status of black and white women. The article reviews several policy questions, discusses ways in which the interests of black and white women differ in the policy arena, and concludes that although there are some similarities in the interests of black and white women, the racial interests of black women suggest that the interests of black and white women may frequently differ.

This paper analyzes the impact of the 2007 recession on the incarceration of African–Americans. It begins with a brief examination of incarceration, followed by a look at the literature on the relationship between work, crime, and incarceration. Finally, it concludes with the implications of these findings for African-Americans as it relates to the current economic crisis.

The study sought to test the tenability of the hypothesis of a positive link between transportation infrastructure and development in the context of less developed countries (LDCs). The west and central Africa region, comprising twenty-four contiguous countries, constitutes the empirical referent. Two main forms of the generalized linear model, including zero-order and multiple regression involving natural logarithms and assuming the classic Cobb-Douglas production function, are employed. Development, the dependent variable, is operationalized in terms of the Human Development Index (HDI) and Growth National Income per capita (GNI/Cap). The independent variables include the different major forms of transportation infrastructure (roads, rail, airports, seaports, waterways, and pipelines). The results show a strong positive relationship between transportation infrastructure and development. Not only does this revelation conform to the findings of previous studies in more developed countries (MDCs), it suggests that the link between transportation infrastructure and development may actually be stronger in LDCs than in MDCs.

Using data from the University of California and results from previously published research on the returns to higher education, this article presents a preliminary evaluation of the impact of ending affirmative action in admissions at a large, publicly funded university. At the undergraduate level, eliminating race as a factor in the admissions process will redistribute African Americans, Mexican Americans, and Native Americans away from the most competitive campuses (UC-Berkeley, UCLA, UC-San Diego) towards the less competitive campuses in the California State University system. This redistribution will lower the returns to schooling for those affected groups and could have a negative impact on the educational environment for all students. Affirmative action will, in the short run, reduce the number of African American, Mexican American, and Native American students admitted and, in the long run, will have an adverse effect on the delivery of legal and health care services to those racial and ethnic groups.