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* Dữ liệu chỉ mang tính chất tham khảo
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Computational phylogenetics and the internal structure of Pama-Nyungan
We present the first proposal of detailed internal subgrouping and higher-order structure of the Pama-Nyungan family of Australian languages. Previous work has identified more than twenty-five primary subgroups in the family, with little indication of how these groups might fit together. Some work has assumed that reconstruction of higher nodes in the tree was impossible, either because extensive internal borrowing has obscured more remote relations, or because the languages are not sufficiently well attested (see, for example, Bowern & Koch 2004b, Dixon 1997). With regard to the first objection, work by Alpher and Nash (1999) and Bowern and colleagues (2011) shows that loan levels are not high enough to obscure vertical transmission for all but a few languages. New data remove the second objection. Here we use Bayesian phylogenetic inference to show that the Pama-Nyungan tree has a discernible internal subgrouping. We identify four major divisions within the family and discuss the implications of this grouping for future work on the family.
Language - Tập 88 Số 4 - Trang 817-845 - 2012
Positional Neutralization: A Case Study from Child Language A new longitudinal diary study of a child (E) learning American English reveals two patterns of segmental neutralization: velar fronting, in which /k/ and /g/ are realized as [t] and [d], and lateral gliding, in which /l/ is realized as [j]. Both phenomena are restricted to prosodically strong positions, affecting only consonants in word-initial position or in the onsets of stressed syllables. An explanation for positional velar fronting that combines phonetic and grammatical considerations is proposed to account for the occurrence of the effect in children but not adults: the greater gestural magnitude of prosodically strong onsets in English interacts with the anatomy of the young child’s vocal tract to produce coronalization of prosodically strong velars. E extended the resulting pattern to lateral gliding, which developed later and has similar grammatical conditioning but less direct phonetic motivation.*
Language - Tập 83 Số 4 - Trang 707-736 - 2007
The Perceptual Acquisition of Phonological Contrasts
Stager and Werker (1997) show that fourteen-month-olds engaged in a word-learning task fail
to respond to a switch between the minimal pair [bI] and [dI], though they do respond to a switch
between [lIf] and [nim] in the same task. In this article we show that the [bI]/[dI] results extend
to stimuli that respect English phonotactics ([bIn] vs. [dIn]), to a voicing contrast ([pIn] vs. [bIn]),
and to voicing and place combined ([pIn] vs. [dIn]). Our interpretation of these results is that
when a phonological contrast like place or voicing is first acquired, it remains only partially
integrated and can be lost under the processing demands of word learning. We formalize partial
integration in terms of unranked optimality-theoretic constraints and discuss the predictions of
this account for further research.
Language - Tập 80 Số 3 - Trang 384-402 - 2004
Programming for linguists: Java™ technology for language researchers by Michael Hammond (review)
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