Archives of Sexual Behavior

Marital success and failure may be related to sexual satisfaction, including orgasmic capability. Pregnancy represents a life crisis to the pregnant woman and her husband. Complex psychosocial and physiological demands may produce insecurities, anxieties, and somatic complaints. The expectant mother may seek to fulfill increasing nurturant needs through increased physical contact such as cuddling or being held. A pregnant woman's interest in sexual activity may be affected by her changing physical appearance and the hormonal milieu of pregnancy. Although there are marked individual variations and methodological biases and differences among empirical studies, pregnancy appears to be usually accompanied by a decrease in sexual desire, coital frequency, and orgasm. Sexual behavior in pregnancy has been traditionally restricted and is currently poorly defined. Sexual proscriptions may precipitate sexual frustration and marital estrangement. Abortion is only rarely caused by coitus. The relationship of coitus and orgasm to prematurity and distress of the fetus and newborn has not been clearly established. Coitus can indirectly result in maternal, fetal, and neonatal morbidity and mortality through the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. Deaths from air embolism in pregnancy associated with cunnilingus and vaginal insufflation have been reported.

This study investigated whether working memory capacity (WMC) moderated the relationship between physiological arousal and sexual decision making. A total of 59 men viewed 20 consensual and 20 non-consensual images of heterosexual interaction while their physiological arousal levels were recorded using skin conductance response. Participants also completed an assessment of WMC and a date-rape analogue task for which they had to identify the point at which an average Australian male would cease all sexual advances in response to verbal and/or physical resistance from a female partner. Participants who were more physiologically aroused by and spent more time viewing the non-consensual sexual imagery nominated significantly later stopping points on the date-rape analogue task. Consistent with our predictions, the relationship between physiological arousal and nominated stopping point was strongest for participants with lower levels of WMC. For participants with high WMC, physiological arousal was unrelated to nominated stopping point. Thus, executive functioning ability (and WMC in particular) appears to play an important role in moderating men’s decision making with regard to sexually aggressive behavior.

Beginning in the mid-1960s, gynecologist and obstetrician James Burt developed what he called “love surgery” on unknowing women after they gave birth. It was, he later told them, a modification of episiotomy repair. In the mid-1970s, Burt began promoting love surgery as an elective sexual enhancement surgery and women came to his clinic in hopes of a surgically-enabled better sex life. But though Burt now offered love surgery, he continued to perform it on patients who did not come to him for it through the late 1980s. Over the course of more than two decades, discourse on love surgery occurred twice nationally. In the late 1970s, feminists and sex therapists attacked love surgery as altering a woman’s body for male sexual pleasure. Though Burt never hid his continued use of love surgery on women who had not elected for it, the public discourse at this time focused on love surgery as a reflection of larger cultural ideas about female sexuality. In the late 1980s, when Burt’s love surgery again appeared in the national media, the issue of informed consent, largely absent from the discourse about love surgery in the late 1970s, moved to the center. Though significant activity happened within the local medical and legal communities beginning in the mid-1970s regarding Burt and his practice of love surgery, my interest here is on these two periods when the discourse regarding love surgery, female sexuality, and informed consent occurred within a national frame.

The current series of studies are the first to examine brain responses to social aggression signals as a function of male and female sexual orientation. For the first set of studies (1a, 1b), axillary sweat had been collected from 17 heterosexual men and 17 heterosexual women aggressively responding to frustrating opponents (aggression condition) and while playing a construction game (control condition). Sweat samples were pooled according to sex and condition, and presented via a constant flow olfactometer to 17 gay and 23 heterosexual men (Study 1a), and 19 lesbian and 25 heterosexual women (Study 1b). Ongoing EEG was recorded from 61 scalp locations, chemosensory event-related potentials (CSERPs; P2, P3-1, P3-2) were analyzed, and neuronal sources calculated (low resolution electromagnetic tomography). Within the second set of studies (2a, 2b), pictures of males’ and females’ weak angry and neutral facial expressions were presented to 21 gay and 23 heterosexual men (Study 2a), and 19 lesbian and 26 heterosexual women (Study 2b), and ERPs (N170, P3) were analyzed. Gay men showed larger P3-1 amplitudes than heterosexual men upon presentation of male aggression sweat, accompanied by activation of the right inferior frontal gyrus (IFG, BA 10). Gay men also displayed longer N170 latencies in response to men’s compared to women’s angry facial expressions, while heterosexual men did not. In women, sexual orientation did not affect the processing of aggression sweat or anger expressions. Gay men showed preferential processing of chemosensory aggression signals (P3-1 amplitudes), indicating fine-tuned socioemotional sensitivity, related to activation of brain areas involved in emotion regulation (IFG). They further process the relative relevance of visual aggression signals (N170 latency). These results were in line with theories proposing a common evolutionary pathway for same-sex attraction and traits easing social integration.

Prostitution, payment for the exchange of sexual services, is deemed a major social problem in most countries around the world today, with little to no consensus on how to address it. In this Target Article, we unpack what we discern as the two primary positions that undergird academic thinking about the relationship between inequality and prostitution: (1) prostitution is principally an institution of hierarchal gender relations that legitimizes the sexual exploitation of women by men, and (2) prostitution is a form of exploited labor where multiple forms of social inequality (including class, gender, and race) intersect in neoliberal capitalist societies. Our main aims are to: (a) examine the key claims and empirical evidence available to support or refute each perspective; (b) outline the policy responses associated with each perspective; and (c) evaluate which responses have been the most effective in reducing social exclusion of sex workers in societal institutions and everyday practices. While the overall trend globally has been to accept the first perspective on the “prostitution problem” and enact repressive policies that aim to protect prostituted women, punish male buyers, and marginalize the sex sector, we argue that the strongest empirical evidence is for adoption of the second perspective that aims to develop integrative policies that reduce the intersecting social inequalities sex workers face in their struggle to make a living and be included as equals. We conclude with a call for more robust empirical studies that use strategic comparisons of the sex sector within and across regions and between sex work and other precarious occupations.