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Economic voting and political context: A comparative perspective. Electoral Studies 19 (2): 151–170.\nAnderson, C.J., and J.D. Hecht. 2014. Crisis of confidence? The dynamics of economic opinions during the Great Recession. In Mass politics in tough times: Opinions, votes and protest in the Great Recession, ed. N. Bermeo and L.M. Bartels. New York: Oxford University Press.\nArmingeon, K., C. Isler, L. Knöpfel, D. Weisstanner, and S. Engler. 2015. Comparative political data set 1960-2013. Berne: Institute of Political Science, University of Berne.\nBäck, H., M. Debus, and P. Dumont. 2011. Who gets what in coalition governments? Predictors of portfolio allocation in parliamentary democracies. European Journal of Political Research 50 (4): 441–478.\nBafumi, J., and R.Y. Shapiro. 2009. A new Partisan voter. The Journal of Politics 71 (1): 1–24.\nBanaszak, L.A., and P. Doerschler. 2012. Coalition type and voter support for parties: Grand coalitions in German elections. Electoral Studies 31 (1): 46–59.\nBartels, L.M. 2002. Beyond the running tally: Partisan bias in political perceptions. Political Behavior 24 (2): 117–150.\nBartels, B.L. 2008. Beyond “fixed versus random effects”: A framework for improving substantive and statistical analysis of panel, time-series cross-sectional, and multilevel data. Paper presented at the Political Methodology Conference, Ann Arbor, MI.\nBeck, N., and J.N. Katz. 1995. What to do (and not to do) with time-series cross-section data. The American Political Science Review 89 (3): 634–647.\nBeck, N., and J.N. Katz. 2011. Modeling dynamics in time-series-cross-section political economy data. Annual Review of Political Science 14: 331–352.\nBell, A., and K. Jones. 2015. Explaining fixed effects: Random effects modeling of time-series cross-sectional and panel data. Political Science Research and Methods 3 (01): 133–153.\nBermeo, N., and J. Pontusson. 2012. Coping with crisis: Government reactions to the great recession. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.\nBisgaard, M. 2015. Bias will find a way: Economic perceptions, attributions of blame, and partisan-motivated reasoning during crisis. The Journal of Politics 77 (3): 849–860.\nBisgaard, M., and R. Slothuus. 2018. Partisan elites as culprits? How party cues shape partisan perceptual gaps. American Journal of Political Science 62 (2): 456–469.\nBouvet, F., and S. King. 2016. Income inequality and election outcomes in OECD countries: New evidence following the Great Recession of 2008–2009. Electoral Studies 41: 70–79.\nCameron, A.C., and P.K. Trivedi. 2009. Microeconometrics using stata. College Station: Stata Press.\nCampbell, A., P.E. Converse, W.E. Miller, and D.E. Stokes. 1960. The American voter. New York: Wiley.\nChzhen, K., G. Evans, and M. Pickup. 2013. When do economic perceptions matter for party approval? Political Behavior 36 (2): 291–313.\nConover, P.J., S. Feldman, and K. Knight. 1987. The personal and political underpinnings of economic forecasts. American Journal of Political Science 31 (3): 559–583.\nDe Vries, C.E., S.B. Hobolt, and J. Tilley. 2018. Facing up to the facts: What causes economic perceptions? Electoral Studies 51: 115–122.\nDebus, M., M. Stegmaier, and J. Tosun. 2014. Economic voting under coalition governments: Evidence from Germany. Political Science Research and Methods 2 (01): 49–67.\nDickerson, B. 2016. Economic perceptions, presidential approval, and causality: The moderating role of the economic context. American Politics Research 44 (6): 1037–1065.\nDuch, R.M., and I. Sagarzazu. 2014. Crisis perceptions and economic voting among the rich and the poor The United Kingdom and Germany. In Mass politics in tough times: Opinions, votes and protest in the Great Recession, ed. N. Bermeo and L.M. Bartels. New York: Oxford University Press.\nEcker, A., T.M. Meyer, and W.C. Müller. 2015. The distribution of individual cabinet positions in coalition governments: A sequential approach. European Journal of Political Research 54 (4): 802–818.\nEnns, P.K., P.M. Kellstedt, and G.E. McAvoy. 2012. The consequences of partisanship in economic perceptions. Public Opinion Quarterly 76 (2): 287–310.\nEnns, P.K., and C. Wlezien. 2011. Group opinion and the study of representation. In Who gets represented?, ed. P.K. Enns and C. Wlezien. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.\nErikson, R.S., M. MacKuen, and J.A. Stimson. 2002. The macro polity. New York: Cambridge University Press.\nEvans, G., and M. Pickup. 2010. Reversing the causal arrow: The political conditioning of economic perceptions in the 2000–2004 U.S. presidential election cycle. The Journal of Politics 72 (04): 1236–1251.\nGerber, A.S., and G.A. Huber. 2010. Partisanship, political control, and economic assessments. American Journal of Political Science 54 (1): 153–173.\nGroenendyk, E. 2013. Competing motives in the partisan mind: How loyalty and responsiveness shape party identification and democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.\nHaller, B.H., and H. Norpoth. 1997. Reality bites: News exposure and economic opinion. Public Opinion Quarterly 61 (4): 555–575.\nHetherington, M.J. 1996. The media’s role in forming voters’ national economic evaluations in 1992. American Journal of Political Science 40 (2): 372–395.\nHobolt, S., J. Tilley, and S. Banducci. 2013. Clarity of responsibility: How government cohesion conditions performance voting. European Journal of Political Research 52 (2): 164–187.\nHobolt, S.B., and J. Tilley. 2016. Fleeing the centre: The rise of challenger parties in the aftermath of the euro crisis. West European Politics 39 (5): 971–991.\nHoechle, D. 2007. Robust standard errors for panel regressions with cross-sectional dependence. The Stata Journal 7 (3): 281–312.\nHooghe, L., G.N. Marks, and A.H. Schakel. 2010. The rise of regional authority: A comparative study of 42 democracies. London: Routledge.\nKestilä-Kekkonen, E., and P. Söderlund. 2017. Is it all about the economy? Government fractionalization, economic performance and satisfaction with democracy across Europe, 2002–13. Government and Opposition 52 (1): 100–130.\nLaver, M.J., M. Laver, and K.A. Shepsle. 1996. Making and breaking governments: Cabinets and legislatures in parliamentary democracies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.\nLavine, H.G., C.D. Johnston, and M.R. Steenbergen. 2012. The ambivalent partisan: How critical loyalty promotes democracy. New York: Oxford University Press.\nLeón, S. 2011. Who is responsible for what? Clarity of responsibilities in multilevel states: The case of Spain. European Journal of Political Research 50 (1): 80–109.\nLewis-Beck, M.S., N.F. Martini, and R.D. Kiewiet. 2013. The nature of economic perceptions in mass publics. Electoral Studies 32 (3): 524–528.\nLewis-Beck, M.S., and M. Stegmaier. 2013. The VP-function revisited: A survey of the literature on vote and popularity functions after over 40 years. Public Choice 157 (3–4): 367–385.\nLewis-Beck, M.S., and M. Stegmaier. 2015. Economic evaluations and electoral consequences. In International encyclopedia of the social & behavioral sciences, vol. 7, 2nd ed, ed. J.D. Wright. Oxford: Elsevier.\nMcAvoy, G.E. 2015. Collective political rationality: Partisan thinking and why it’s not all bad. New York: Routledge.\nNadeau, R., and M.S. Lewis-Beck. 2001. National economic voting in U.S. presidential elections. The Journal of Politics 63 (1): 159–181.\nNadeau, R., R.G. Niemi, D.P. Fan, and T. Amato. 1999. Elite economic forecasts, economic news, mass economic judgments, and presidential approval. The Journal of Politics 61 (1): 109–135.\nPalmer, H.D., and R.M. Duch. 2001. Do surveys provide representative or whimsical assessments of the economy? Political Analysis 9 (1): 58–77.\nPalmer, H.D., and G.D. Whitten. 2011. Through thick and thin? The dynamics of government support across income groups during economic crises. Electoral Studies 30 (3): 427–437.\nParker-Stephen, E. 2013a. Tides of disagreement: How reality facilitates (and inhibits) partisan public opinion. The Journal of Politics 75 (04): 1077–1088.\nParker-Stephen, E. 2013b. Clarity of responsibility and economic evaluations. Electoral Studies 32 (3): 506–511.\nPowell, G.B., and G.D. Whitten. 1993. A cross-national analysis of economic voting: Taking account of the political context. American Journal of Political Science 37 (2): 391–414.\nRamirez, M.D., and N. Erickson. 2014. Partisan bias and information discounting in economic judgments. Political Psychology 35 (3): 401–415.\nRoyed, T.J., K.M. Leyden, and S.A. Borrelli. 2000. Is ‘clarity of responsibility’ important for economic voting? Revisiting Powell and Whitten’s hypothesis. British Journal of Political Science 30 (4): 669–698.\nSharp, C., and M. Lodge. 1985. Partisan and ideological belief systems: Do they differ? Political Behavior 7 (2): 147–166.\nSoroka, S.N., and C. Wlezien. 2014. Economic crisis and support for redistribution in the United Kingdom. In Mass politics in tough times: Opinions, votes and protest in the Great Recession, ed. N. Bermeo and L.M. Bartels. New York: Oxford University Press.\nStanig, P. 2013. Political polarization in retrospective economic evaluations during recessions and recoveries. Electoral Studies 32 (4): 729–745.\nWilcox, N., and C. Wlezien. 1993. The contamination of responses to survey items: Economic perceptions and political judgments. Political Analysis 5 (1): 181–213.\nWlezien, C. 1995. The public as thermostat: Dynamics of preferences for spending. American Journal of Political Science 39 (4): 981.",{"EN":170},"Recent studies have found that ideology has less influence on economic evaluations in tough economic times. This article addresses whether this influence is equally constrained by clarity of government responsibility. With a macro-analysis spanning 2004 to 2015 in the EU-15, it demonstrates that differences in economic assessments between ideological groups are less pronounced in countries with blurred responsibility. Also shedding light on how the economic and political environments interplay, it evidences that as the economy deteriorates, ideological differences in economic assessments tend to decrease in countries with single-party governments (i.e., high-clarity situations), while they remain steady in multi-party governments (low-clarity situations). This article concludes by suggesting that the effect of economic downturns on ideological conditioning can be dampened by the political context.",{"EN":172},"When ideological lenses crack. 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Een blik op de jaren negentig. Leuven, Belgium: Kritak.\nVerba, S., Schlozman, K.L. and Brady, H. (1995) Voice and Equality. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.\nChristensen, H.S. (2012) Simply slacktivism? Internet participation in Finland. JeDEM – Journal of eDemocracy and Open Government 4 (1): 1–23.\nGibson, R.K. and Cantijoch, M. (2013) Conceptualizing and measuring participation in the age of the internet: Is online political engagement really different to offline? The Journal of Politics 75 (3): 701–716.\nGil de Zúñiga, H., Veenstra, A., Vraga, E. and Shah, D. (2010) Digital democracy: Reimagining pathways to political participation. Journal of Information Technology & Politics 7 (1): 36–51.\nHirzalla, F. and Van Zoonen, L. (2011) Beyond the online\u002Foffline divide: How youth’s online and offline civic activities converge. Social Science Computer Review 29 (4): 481–498.\nHoffman, L.H. (2012) Participation or communication? An explication of political activity in the internet age. Journal of Information Technology & Politics 9 (3): 217–233.\nLinaa Jensen, J. (2013) Political participation online: The replacement and the mobilisation hypotheses revisited. Scandinavian Political Studies 36 (4): 347–364.\nValenzuela, S. (2013) Unpacking the use of social media for protest behavior: The roles of information, opinion expression, and activism. 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A., Depauw, S., Shugart, M. S. and Chytilek, R. (2015) Party nomination strategies in flexible-list systems Do preference votes matter? Party Politic. doi:10.1177\u002F1354068815610974.\nAndré, A., Wauters, B. and Pilet, J.-B. (2012) It’s not only about lists: Explaining preference voting in Belgium. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties 22(3): 293–313.\nAnsolabehere, S. and Iyengar, S. (1994) Riding the wave and claiming ownership over issues: The joint effects of advertising and news coverage in campaigns. The Public Opinion Quarterly 58(3): 335–357.\nBalmas, M., Rahat, G., Sheafer, T. and Shenhav, S. R. (2014) Two routes to personalized politics centralized and decentralized personalization. Party Politics 20(1): 37–51.\nBowler, S. (2010) Private Members’ Bills in the UK Parliament: Is There an “Electoral Connection”? The Journal of Legislative Studies 16(4), 476–494.\nBudge, I. and Farlie, D. J. (1983) Explaining and predicting elections: Issue effects and Party strategies in twenty-three democracies. London: Allen and Unwin.\nCross, W. and Young, L. (2015) Personalization of campaigns in an SMP system: The Canadian case. Electoral Studies, 39: 306–315.\nCutler, F. (2002) The simplest shortcut of all: sociodemographic characteristics and electoral choice. The Journal of Politics, 64(2): 466–490.\nDe Winter, L. (1988) Belgium: democracy or oligarchy? In M. Gallagher & M. Marsh (Eds.), Candidate selection in comparative perspective (pp. 20–46). London: Sage.\nDe Winter, L. and Baudewyns, P. (2015) Candidate centred campaigning in a party centred context: The case of Belgium. Electoral Studies 39: 295–305.\nDenver, D., Hands, G., Fisher, J. and MacAllister, I. (2002) The impact of constituency campaigning in the 2001 general election. British Elections & Parties Review 12(1): 80–94.\nEder, N., Jenny, M. and Müller, W. C. (2015) Winning over voters or fighting party comrades? Personalized constituency campaigning in Austria. Electoral Studies 39: 316–328.\nEnli, G. S. and Skogerbø, E. (2013) Personalized campaigns in party-centred politics. Information, Communication & Society 16(5): 757–774.\nErzeel, S. and Caluwaerts, D. (2015) Is it gender, ideology or resources? individual-level determinants of preferential voting for male or female candidates. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 25(3): 265–283.\nGschwend, T. and Zittel, T. (2015) Do constituency candidates matter in German Federal Elections? The personal vote as an interactive process. Electoral Studies 39: 338–349.\nJohnson, J. W. (2013) Campaign spending in proportional electoral systems incumbents versus challengers revisited. Comparative Political Studies 46(8): 968–993.\nJohnston, R. and Pattie, C. (2008) How much does a vote cost? Incumbency and the impact of campaign spending at english general elections. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 18(2): 129–152.\nKarvonen, L. (2010) The Personalization of Politics: A Study of Parliamentary Democracies. Colchester: ECPR Press.\nKatz, R. S. (2003) Intraparty preference voting. In B. Grofman & A. Lijphart (Eds.), Electoral laws and their political consequences (pp. 85–103). New York: Agathon Press.\nLefevere, J. and Dandoy, R. (2011) Candidate Choice in Political Advertising: What Determines Who Gets Attention? World Political Science Review 7(1), http:\u002F\u002Fwww.degruyter.com\u002Fview\u002Fj\u002Fwpsr.2011.7.issue-1\u002Fwpsr.2011.7.1.1099\u002Fwpsr.2011.7.1.1099.xml.\nMaddens, B., Wauters, B., Noppe, J. and Fiers, S. (2006) Effects of campaign spending in an open list pr system: the 2003 legislative elections in Flanders\u002FBelgium. West European Politics 29(1): 161–168.\nMcallister, I. (2009) The personalization of politics. In R. J. Dalton & H.-D. Klingemann (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of political science: The Oxford handbook of political behaviour (pp. 571–588). Oxford: Oxford University Press.\nNorris, P., Curtice, J., Scammell, M. and Semetko, H. A. (1999) On Message: Communicating the Campaign. London: Sage.\nPattie, C. J., Johnston, R. J. and Fieldhouse, E. A. (1995) Winning the local vote: the effectiveness of constituency campaign spending in Great Britain, 1983–1992. The American Political Science Review, 89(4): 969–983.\nPut, G.-J., Maddens, B. and Smulders, J. (2015) Buying local votes: The effect of individual campaign spending under a semi-open PR System in the Belgian local elections. Local Government Studies, 41(1): 137–155.\nRahat, G. and Sheafer, T. (2007) The personalization(s) of politics: Israel, 1949–2003. Political Communication, 24(1): 65–80.\nSamuels, D. (2001) Incumbents and challengers on a level playing field: Assessing the impact of campaign finance in Brazil. The Journal of Politics 63(2): 569–584.\nSelb, P. and Lutz, G. (2015) Lone fighters: Intraparty competition, interparty competition, and candidates’ vote seeking efforts in open-ballot PR elections. Electoral Studies 39: 329–337.\nThijssen, P. (2013) Are parties stimulating candidate-centred voting? The case of the Belgian district council elections 2000–2006. Acta Politica 48(2): 144–166.\nVan Aelst, P., Maddens, B., Noppe, J. and Fiers, S. (2008). Politicians in the news: Media or party logic? Media attention and electoral success in the Belgian Election Campaign of 2003. European Journal of Communication 23(2): 193–210.\nWeekers, K., Maddens, B. and Noppe, J. (2009) Explaining the evolution of the party finance regime in Belgium. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 19(1): 25–48.\nZittel, T. and Gschwend, T. (2008) Individualised constituency campaigns in mixed-member electoral systems: candidates in the 2005 German elections. 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(eds.) (2003) Who Governs Southern Europe? Regime Change and Ministerial Recruitment, 1850–2000. London: Routledge.\nAndweg, R. (2000) Political recruitment and party government. In: J. Blondel and M. Cotta (eds.) The Nature of Party Government. Wiltshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 119–140.\nAraújo, J. (1999) Reform and institutional persistence in Portuguese central administration. Unpublished PhD thesis. University of Exeter.\nAraújo, F., Mendes, S. and Tavares, A. (2009) Mapping Agencies in the Public Sector: The Case of Portugal. Cost Action Meeting, Brussels, Belgium.\nBäck, H., Debus, M. and Dumond, P. (2010) Who gets what in coalition governments? Predictors of portfolio allocation in parliamentary democracies. European Journal of Political Research 50(4): 441–478.\nBlondel, J. (1995) Toward a systematic analysis of government-party relationships. International Political Science Review 16(2): 127–143.\nBlondel, J. (2002) Party government, patronage and party decline in Western Europe. In: R. Gunther, J.R. Montero and J. Linz (eds.) Political Parties: Old Concepts and New Challenges. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 233–256.\nBruneau, T. (1997) Political Parties and Democracy in Portugal. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.\nBudge, I., Klingemann, H.-D., Volkens, A., Bara, J. and Tannenbaum, E. (2001) Mapping Policy Preferences. Oxford: University of Oxford Press.\nCalvert, R., McCubbins, M. and Weingast, B. (1989) A theory of political control of agency discretion. American Journal of Political Science 33(3): 588–610.\nChristensen, T. and Lægreid, P. (2006) Autonomy and Regulation. Coping with Agencies in the Modern State. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar.\nDalton, R. and Wattenberg, M.P. (eds.) (2000) Unthinkable democracy: Political change in advanced industrial democracies. In: Parties Without Partisans: Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies. 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International Review of Administrative Sciences 73(4): 583–596.\nSorauf, F. (1959) Patronage and party. Midwest Journal of Political Science 3(2): 115–126.\nStokes, S. (2005) Perverse accountability: A formal model of machine politics with evidence from Argentina. American Political Science Review 99(03): 315–325.\nStrøm, K. (1990) A behavioural theory of competitive political parties. American Journal of Political Science 34(2): 565–598.\nThomson, R. (2001) The programme to policy linkage: The fulfilment of election pledges on socio-economic policy in the Netherlands, 1986–1998. European Journal of Political Research 40(2): 171–197.\nvan Biezen, I. (1998) Building party organisations and the relevance of past models: The communist and socialist parties in Spain and Portugal. West European Politics 21(2): 32–62.\nvan Biezen, I. (2000) Party financing in new democracies: Spain and Portugal. Party Politics 6(3): 329–342.\nvan Biezen, I. (2004) Political parties as public utilities. Party Politics 10(6): 701–722.\nWare, A. (1996) Political Parties and Party Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press.",{"EN":1154},"In recent years there has been a renewed interest in the political recruitment to non-elective public offices of the state. Such appointments can help entrench party organizations, cementing their position within the state and can also emerge as an instrument to provide parties with leverage over (and crucial information within) the increasingly fragmented and delegated processes of policymaking. Portugal has been conceived as a country with appointments deep into the administrative hierarchy, mainly motivated by partisan considerations. These accounts overlook the different rationales for patronage. This article aims to re-examine accounts on the (many) faces of patronage, by empirically exploring the logics of recruitment on three inter-related dimensions. 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